plantations are amongst ancient, primitive, and heroical works. when the world was young, it begat more children; but now it is old, it begets fewer: for i may jusuy account new plantations, to be the children of former kingdoms. i like a plantation in a pure soil; that is, where people are not displanted, to the end to plant in others.
for else, it is rather an extirpation, then a plantation. planting of countries, is like planting of woeds; for you must make account, to lose almost twenty years' profit, and expect your recompense in the end. for the principal thing, that hath been the destruction of most plantations, hath been the base and hasty drawing of profit, in the first years. it is true, speedy profit is not to be neglected, as far as may stand with the good of the plantation, but no further. it is a shameful and unblessed thing, to take the scum of people, and wicked condemned men, to be the people with whom you plant: and not only so, but it spoileth the plantation; for they will ever live like rogues, and not fall to work, but be la2y, and do mischief, and spend victuals, and be quickly weary, and then certify over to their country, to the discredit of the plantation.
the people wherewith you plant, ought to be gardeners, ploughmen, labourers, smiths, carpenters, joiners, fishermen, fowlers, with some few apothecaries, surgeons, cooks, and bakers. in a country of plantation, first look about, what kind of victual the country yields of itself, to hand: as chestnuts, walnuts, pineapples, olives, dates, plums, cherries, wild honey, and the like: and make use of them. then consider, what victual or esculent things there are, which grow speedily, and within the year, as parsnips, carrots, turnips, onions, radish, artichokes of jerusalem, maize and the like. for wheat, barley and oats, they ask too much labour: but with peas and beans, you may begin; both because they ask less labour, and because they serve for meat, as well as for bread. and of rice likewise cometh a great increase, and it is a kind of meat above all, there ought to be brought store of biscuit, oat-meal, flower, meal, and the like, in the beginning, till bread may be had.
for beasts, or birds, take chiefly such as are least subject to diseases, and multiply fastest: as swine, goats, cocks, hens, turkeys, geese, house-doves, and the like. the victual in plantations ought to be expended, almost as in a besieged town; that is, with certain allowance. and let the main part of the ground employed to gardens or corn, be to a common stock; and to be laid in, and stored up, and then delivered out in proportion; besides some spots of ground, that any particular person will manure, for his own private.
consider likewise, what commodities the soil, where the plantation is, doth naturally yield, that they may some way help to defray the charge of the plantation: so it be not, as was said, to the untimely prejudice of the main business; as it hath fared with tobacco in virginia. wood commonly aboundeth but too much; and therefore, timber is fit to be one. if there be iron ore, and streams whereupon to set the mills; iron is a brave commodity, where wood aboundeth. making a bay salt, if the climate be proper for it, would be put in experience. growing silk likewise, if any be, is a likely commodity. pitch and tar, where store of firs and pines are, will not fail. so drugs, and sweet woods, where they are, cannot but yield great profit soap ashes likewise, and other things that may be thought of. but moil not too much under ground: for the hope of mines is very uncertain, and useth to make the planters lazy in other things. for government let it be in the hands of one, assisted with some counsel: and let them have commission to exercise martial laws, with some limitation.
and above all, let men make that profit of being in the wilderness, as they have god always, and his service before their eyes. let not the government of the plantation depend upon too many counsellors, and undertakers, in the country that planteth, but upon a temperate number, and let those be rather noblemen, and gentlemen, than merchants: for they look ever to the present gain. let there be freedoms from custom, till the plantation be of strength: and not only freedom from custom, but freedom to carry their commodities, where they may make their best of them, except there be some special cause of caution. cram not in people, by sending too fast company after company; but rather hearken how they waste, and send supplies proportionably; but so, as the number may live well in the plantation, and not by surcharge be in penury. it hath been a great endangering to the health of some plantations, that they have built along the sea, and rivers, in marsh and unwholesome grounds.
therefore, though you begin there, to avoid carriage, and other like discommodities, yet build still rather upwards, from the streams, than along. it concerneth likewise the health of the plantation, that they have good store of salt with them, that they may use it in their victuals, when it shall be necessary. if you plant, where savages are, do not only entertain them with trifles, and gingles; but use them justly, and graciously, with sufficient guard nevertheless: and do not win their favour, by helping them to invade their enemies, but for their defence it is not amiss: and send oft of them, over to the country that plants, that they may see a better condition then their own, and commend it when they return.
when the plantation grows to strength, then it is time to plant with women, as well as with men; that the plantation may spread into generations, and not be ever pieced from without. it is the sinfullest thing in the world, to forsake or destitute a plantation, once in forwardness: for besides the dishonour, it is the guiltiness of blood of many commiserable persons.
the speech of themistocles the athenian, which was haughty and arrogant, in taking so much to himself, had been a grave and wise observation and censure, applied at large to others. desired at a feast to touch a lute, he said; he could not fiddle, but yet he could make a small town, a great city. these words (holpen a little with a metaphor) may express two differing abilities, in those mat deal in business of estate. for if a true survey be taken, of counsellors and statesmen, there may be found (though rarely) those which can make a small state great and yet cannot fiddle: as on the other side, there will be found a great many, that can fiddle very cunningly, but yet are so far from being able to make a small state great as their gift lieth the other way; to bring a great and flourishing estate to ruin and decay. and certainly, those degenerate arts and shifts, whereby many counsellor and governors gain both favour with their masters, and estimation with the vulgar, deserve no better name then fiddling; being things rather pleasing for the time, and graceful to themselves only, than tending to the weal and advancement of the state which they serve.
there are also (no doubt) counsellor and governors, which may be held sufficient (negotus pares), able to manage affairs, and to keep them from precipices and manifest inconveniences; which nevertheless, are far from the ability to raise and amplify an estate, in power, means, and fortune. but be the workmen what they may be, let us speak of the work; that is, the true greatness of kingdoms and estates; and the means thereof. an argument, fit for great and mighty princes to have in their hand; to the end, that neither by over-measuring their forces, they lose themselves in vain enterprises; nor on the other side, by undervaluing them, they descend to fearful and pusillanimous counsels.
the greatness of an estate in bulk and territory doth fall under measure; and the greatness of finances and revenue doth fall under computation. the population may appear by musters: and the number and greatness of cities and towns, by cards and maps. but yet there is not anything amongst civil affairs more subject to error, than the right valuation, and true judgement,
concerning the power and forces of an estate.
the kingdom of heaven is compared, not to any great kernel or nut, but to a grain of mustard-seed; which is one of the least grains, but hath in it a property and spirit, hastily to get up and spread. so are there states, great in territory, and yet not apt to enlarge, or command; and some, that have but a small dimension of stem, and yet apt to be the foundations of great monarchies.
walled towns, stored arsenals and armouries, goodly races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like: all this is but a sheep in a lion\'s skin, except the breed and disposition of the people be stout and warlike. nay, number (itself) in armies, importeth not much, where the people is of weak courage: for (as virgil saith) it never troubles a wolf how many the sheep be. the army of the persians in the plains of arbela was such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat astonish the commanders in alexander\'s army; who came to him therefore, and wished him to set upon them by night; but he answered, he would not pilfer the victory.
and the defeat was easy. when tigranes the armenian, being encamped upon a hill, with four hundred thousand men, discovered the army of the romans being not above fourteen thousand marching towards him, he made himself merry with it, and said; yonder men are too many for an ambassage and too few for a fight. but before the sun set, he found them enough to give him the chase, with infinite slaughter. many are the examples, of the great odds between number and courage: so that a man may truly make a judgement, that the principal point of greatness in any state is to have a race of military men. neither is money the sinews of war (as it is trivially said), where the sinews of men\'s arms, in base and effeminate people, are failing. for solon said well to croesus (when in ostentation he showed him his gold), sir, if any other come that hath better iron than you he will be master of all this gold. therefore let any prince or state think soberly of his forces, except his militia of natives be of good and valiant soldiers.
and let princes, on the other side, that have subjects of martial disposition, know their own strength; unless they be otherwise wanting unto themselves. as for mercenary forces (which is the help in this case), all examples show; that, whatsoever estate or prince doth rest upon them, he may spread his feathers for a time but he will mew them soon after.
the blessing of judah and issachar will never meet; that the same people or nation, should be both the lion\'s whelp and the ass between burthens: neither will it be, that a people over-laid with taxes should ever become valiant, and martial. it is true, that taxes levied by consent of the estate, do abate men\'s courage less; as it hath been seen notably, in the excises of the low countries; and in some degree, in the subsidies of england. for you must note, that we speak now of the heart, and not of the purse. so that, although the same tribute and tax laid by
consent, or by imposing, be all one to the purse, yet it works diversely upon the courage. so that you may conclude; that no people over-charged with tribute is fit for empire.let states that aim at greatness, take heed how their nobility and gentlemen do multiply too fast. for that maketh the common subject grow to be a peasant, and base swain, driven out of heart, and in effect but the gentleman\'s labourer.
even as you may see in coppice woods; if you leave your staddles too thick, you shall never have clean underwood, but shrubs and bushes. so in countries, if the gentlemen be too many, the commons will be base; and you will bring it to that, that not the hundred poll will be fit for an helmet: especially as to the infantry, which is the nerve of an army: and so there will be
great population, and little strength. this, which i speak of, hath been nowhere better seen, then by comparing of england and france; whereof england, though far less in territory and population, hath been (nevertheless) an overmatch; in regard, the middle people of england make good soldiers, which the peasants of france do not and herein, the device of king henry the seventh, (whereof i have spoken largely in the history of his life) was profound, and admirable; in making farms, and houses of husbandry, of a standard; that is, maintained with such a proportion of land unto mem, as may breed a subject to live in convenient plenty, and no servile condition; and to keep the plough in the hands of the owners, and not mere hirelings.
and thus indeed, you shall attain to virgil\'s character, which he gives to ancient italy: terra potens arrnis atque ubere glebae. neither is that state (which for anything i know, is almost peculiar to england and hardly to be found anywhere else, except it be perhaps in poland) to be passed over; i mean die state of free servants and attendants upon noblemen and gentlemen; which are no ways inferior unto the yeomanry for arms.
and therefore, out of all question, the splendour, and magnificence, and great retinues, and hospitality of noblemen and gentlemen received into custom, doth much conduce unto martial greatness. whereas, contrariwise, the close and reserved living of noblemen and gentlemen causeth a penury of military forces.
by all means, it is to be procured, that the trunk of nebuchadnezzar\'s tree of monarchy be great enough to bear the branches, and the boughs; that is, that the natural subjects of the crown or state bear a sufficient proportion to the stronger subjects that they govern. therefore all states, that are liberal of naturalisation towards strangers, are fit for empire. for to think that an handful of people can, with the greatest courage and policy in the world, embrace too large extent of dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail suddenly. the spartans were a nice people, in point of naturalisation; whereby, while they kept their compass, they stood firm; but when they did spread, and their boughs were becoming too great for their stem, they became a windfall upon the sudden. never any state was, in this point, so open to receive strangers into their body, as were the romans.
therefore it sorted with them accordingly; for they grew to the greatest monarchy. their manner was, to grant naturalisation (which they called ins civitatis), and to grant it in the highest degree; that is, not only ins conmercci, ius connubii, ius heredhatis; but also, ius suffragii, and ius honorum. and this, not to singular persons alone, but likewise to whole families; yea to cities, and sometimes to nations. add to this, their custom of plantation of colonies; whereby the roman plant was removed into the soil of other nations. and putting both constitutions together, you will say, that it was not the roman that spread upon the world; but it was the world that spread upon the romans: and that was the sure way of greatness. i have marvelled sometimes at spain, how they clasp and contain so large dominions, with so few natural spaniards: but sure, the whole compass of spain is a very great body of a tree; far above rome and sparta at the first and besides, though they have not had that usage, to naturalise liberally; yet they have that, which is next to it; that is, to employ almost indifferently all nations in their militia of ordinary soldiers: yea, and sometimes in their highest commands. nay, it seemeth at this instant, they are sensible of this want of natives; as by the pragmatical sanction, now published, appeareth.
it is certain, that sedentary and within-door arts, and delicate manufactures (that require rather the finger than the arm) have, in their nature, a contrariety to a military disposition. and generally, all warlike people are a little idle; and love danger better then travail: neither must they be too much broken of it, if they shall be preserved in vigour. 坐着作的，户内的技艺，以及精密的制造(需用手指之巧而不需用臂力之强者)在本性中就与好战的心理不合，这是无疑的。一般言之，所有好战的民族都有点游荡，爱危险甚于爱劳作。如果我们要他们仍旧保持那种武勇的精神，那我们就不可过于禁制或改移他们底好尚。
therefore, it was great advantage, in the ancient states of sparta, athens, rome and others, that they had the use of slaves which commonly did rid those manufactures.
but that is abolished, in greatest part, by the christian law. that which cometh nearest to it, is to leave those arts chiefly to strangers (which for that purpose are the more easily to be received), and to contain the principal bulk of the vulgar natives, within those three kinds; tillers of the ground; free servants; and handy-craftsmen of strong and manly arts, as smiths, masons, carpenters, etc.; not reckoning professed soldiers.
but above all, for empire and greatness, it importeth most; that a nation do profess arms, as their principal honour, study, and occupation. for the things, which we formerly have spoken of, are but habitations towards arms: and what is habilitation without intention and act? romulus, after his death (as they report, or feign) sent a present to the romans; that, above all, they should intend arms; and then, they should prove the greatest empire of the world. the fabric of the state of sparta was wholly (though not wisely) framed, and composed, to that scope and end. the persians and macedonians had it for a flash. the gauls, germans, goths, saxons, normans and others, had it for a time. the turks have it, at this day, though in great declination.
of christian europe, they that have it, are, in effect, only the spaniards. but it is so plain, that every man profiteth in that he most intendeth, that it needeth not to be stood upon. it is enough to point at it; that no nation, which doth not directly profess arms, may look to have greatness fall into their mouths. and, on the other side, it is a most certain oracle of time; that those states, that continue long in that profession (as the romans and turks principally have done) do wonders. and those that have professed arms but for an age, have notwithstanding commonly attained that greatness in that age, which maintained them long after, when their profession and exercise of arms hath grown to decay.
incident to this point is; for a state, to have those laws or customs, which may reach forth unto them just occasions (as may be pretended) of war. for there is that justice imprinted in the nature of men, that they enter not upon wars (whereof so many calamities do ensue) but upon some, at the least specious, grounds and quarrels.
the turk hath at hand, for cause of war, the propagation of his law or sect; a quarrel that he may always command. the romans, though they esteemed the extending the limits of their empire to be great honour to their generals, when it was done, yet they never rested upon that alone, to begin a war. first therefore, let nations, that pretend to greatness, have this; that they be sensible of wrongs, either upon borderers, merchants, or politic ministers; and mat they sit not too long upon a provocation.
secondly, let them be pressed and ready to give aids and succours, to their confederates: as it ever was with the roman: in so much, as if the confederate had leagues defensive with divers other states, and upon invasion offered, did implore their aids severally, yet the romans would ever be the foremost, and leave it to none other to have the honour. as for the wars which were anciently made on the behalf of a kind of party, or tacit conformity of estate, i do not see how they may be well justified: as when the romans made a war for the liberty of greece: or when the lacedaemonians and athenians made wars, to set up or pull down democracies, and oligarchies: or when wars were made by foreigners, under the pretence of justice, or protection, to deliver the subjects of others from tyranny, and oppression; and the like. let it suffice, that no estate expect to be great that is not awake, upon any just occasion of arming.
no body can be healthful without exercise, neither natural body, nor politic: and certainly, to a kingdom or estate, a just and honourable war is the true exercise. a civil war, indeed, is like the heat of a fever, but a foreign war is like the heat of exercise, and serveth to keep the body in health: for in a slothful peace, both courages will effeminate, and manners corrupt but howsoever it be for happiness, without all question, for greatness it maketh to be still, for the most part, in arms: and the strength of a veteran army (though it be a chargeable business), always on foot, is that, which commonly giveth the law, or at least the reputation amongst all neighbour states; as may well be seen in spain; which hath had, in one part or other, a veteran army, almost continually, now by the space of six-score years.
to be master of the sea is an abridgement of a monarchy. cicero writing to atticus, of pompey his preparation against caesar, saith; consilium pompeii plane themistocum est; putat enim, qui mari potitur, eum rerum potiri. and, without doubt, pompey had tired out caesar, if upon vain confidence, he had not left that way. we see the great effects of battles by sea. the battle of actium decided the empire of the world. the battle of lepanto arrested the greatness of the turks.
there be many examples, where sea-fights have been final to the war; but this is, when princes or states have set up their rest upon the battles. but thus much is certain; that he that commands the sea is at great liberty, and may take as much, and as little of the war, as he will. whereas those that be strongest by land, are many times nevertheless in great straits. surely, at this day, with us of europe, the vantage of strength at sea (which is one of the principal dowries of this kingdom of great britain) is great: both because, most of the kingdoms of europe are not merely inland, but girt with the sea, most part of their compass; and because, the wealth of both indies seems in great part but an accessory to the command of the seas.
the wars of latter ages seem to be made in the dark, in respect of the glory and honour, which reflected upon men, from the wars in ancient time. there be now, for martial encouragement, some degrees and orders of chivalry; which nevertheless, are conferred promiscuously upon soldiers and no soldiers; and some remembrance perhaps upon the scutcheon; and some hospitals for maimed soldiers; and such like things. but in ancient times; the trophies erected upon the place of the victory; the funeral laudatives and monuments for those that died in the wars; the crowns and garlands personal; the style of emperor, which the great kings of the world after borrowed; the triumphs of the generals upon their return; the great donatives and largesses upon the disbanding of the armies; were things able to inflame all men\'s courage. but above all, that of the triumph, amongst the romans, was not pageants or gaudery, but one of the wisest and noblest institutions that ever was.
for it contained three things; honour to the general; riches to the treasury out of the spoils; and donatives to the army. but that honour, perhaps, were not fit for monarchies; except it be in the person of the monarch himself, or his sons; as it came to pass, in the times of the roman emperors, who did appropriate the actual triumphs to themselves, and their sons, for such wars as they did achieve in person: and left only, for wars achieved by subjects, some triumphal garments, and ensigns, to the general.
to conclude; no man can, by care taking (as the scripture saith) add a cubit to his stature, in this little model of man\'s body: but in the great frame of kingdoms, and commonwealths, it is in the power of princes, or estates, to add amplitude and greatness to their kingdoms. for by introducing such ordinances, constitutions, and customs, as we have now touched, they may sow greatness to their posterity, and succession. but these things are commonly not observed, but left to take their chance.